Notice!
Because of its growing size, this file has been split into these separate files:
- PA.htm — Words and phrases starting with the letters Pa-Pd.
- PE.htm — Words and phrases starting with the letters Pe-Pg.
- PH.htm — Words and phrases starting with the letters Ph.
- PI.htm — Words and phrases starting with the letters Pi-Pk.
- PL.htm — Words and phrases starting with the letters Pl-Pn.
- PO.htm — Words and phrases starting with the letters Po-Pq.
- PR.htm — Words and phrases starting with the letters Pr-Pt.
- PU.htm — Words and phrases starting with the letters Pu-Pz.
Although this older “P.htm” file still exists (in case there are still links to its
contents), all new entries and revisions to old entries are being made to the above files.
PALEOLITHIC AGE
The Old Stone Age, or the period from when human beings and our immediate ancestors
first started making crude stone tools until about 10,000 BCE, and the advent of
agriculture. Generally in reference to the social and cultural developments of Europe and
the Mediterranean area. The Upper (or Late) Paleolithic
is the period from 35,000 to 10,000 BCE. The last 2,000 years of the Paleolithic (the
“Epipaleolithic”) and the first 2,000 years of the Neolithic (the “Proto-Neolithic”) are
collectively known as the Mesolithic Age (i.e. 12,000 to 8,000 BCE).
See also:
NEOLITHIC AGE
PALESTINE
A country in the Middle East whose territory has been gradually stolen over the past century
by Zionists, with the support of first British and later American imperialism. [More to be
added...]
PANCHAYAT
In Hindi and related languages, literally “Assembly (yat) of Five (panch)”, where
the “five” are supposed to be wise and respected elders selected by the local community. This
is a common form of local governance in India, Pakistan and Nepal. Traditionally, these
assemblies settled disputes between individuals and villages. In modern India the gram
panchayats at the village level are formal bodies which are elected every five years.
Other types of panchayats include: khap
panchayats (or caste panchayats), which are not elected; panchayat samiti (“block”
or tehsil panchayats) at the level between the village and district); and zilla
panchayats (district level panchayats). The system of panchayat governance as a whole is
called panchayat raj.
PANICS
An older name for capitalist crises, especially the financial aspects of such crises.
See also below, and:
FINANCIAL CRISES,
CRASH OF 1929
PANIC OF 1825
One of the first significant periodic industrial crises in the capitalist system.
“By contrast [to earlier panics], the panic of 1825 reverberated around the world. It began in Britain and had all the hallmarks of a classic crisis: easy money (courtesy of the Bank of England), an asset bubble (stocks and bonds linked to investments in the emerging market of newly independent Peru), and even widespread fraud (feverish selling of the bonds of a fictitious nation called the Republic of Poyais to credulous investors).” —Nouriel Roubini & Stephen Mihm, Crisis Economics (2010), p. 21. [Note, however, that these bourgeois economists mention only the financial aspects of the crisis, which is typical of the bourgeois analyses of crises. —S.H.]
PANIC OF 1857
[To be added...]
PANIC OF 1873
A short though severe financial crisis, which however more or less marked the beginning of a
long period of economic weakness in the U.S. which is now known as the
Long Depression (1873-1896). As is always the case, this
capitalist crisis was blamed by bourgeois ideologists on factors external to the capitalist
system, including an epidemic of horse flu which harmed the transportation industry. The long
period of ensuing economic weakness was also falsely blamed on the Coinage Act of 1873 which
switched the U.S. over from a “bimetalic” (gold and silver) money standard to just a
gold standard, which somewhat hurt the silver mining
industry (but of course gave a further boost to gold mining).
PANIC OF 1893
A severe financial and economic crisis that in many ways was a continuation of the Panic of
1873 after the relatively calm period of the 1880s. Railroad construction had tailed off and
many railroad and other companies had financially overextended themselves. Some, such as the
Philadelphia and Reading Railroad went bankrupt. As the financial crisis intensified people
began cashing in their currency for gold. Foreigners, in particular, demanded gold in payment
from Americans. This led to the U.S. Treasury’s gold supply falling to the legally manditory
minimum, at which point the government stopped exchanging gold for paper notes. (This was in
effect a temporary abandonment of the gold standard.) This,
in turn, led to further panic. Banks and other companies began going bankrupt on a large
scale.
Unemployment jumped up to between 12% and 14%
in the U.S., and in some cities reached 20% to 25%. There was a wave of evictions, and a
tightening of vagrancy laws as the well-to-do became frightened of “anarchy” among the poor
and unemployed. There were qualitatively intensified labor struggles occurring. This crisis
also took on an anti-foreigner aspect, since many of the unemployed were recent immigrants.
Similarly, there was a racist component, since large numbers of African-Americans went north
in the period after the Civil War and Reconstruction. It wasn’t until around 1896 that the
economy began to improve in a major way.
See also:
LONG DEPRESSION (1873-1896)
PANIC OF 1907
This was the last of the major financial crises in the U.S. during the transition period
from pre-monopoly capitalism to modern “monopoly
capitalism” (or capitalist-imperialism).
This panic itself mostly occurred in the center of U.S. capitalist finance, New York City.
It was tipped off for most of the usual reasons, including undue expansion of credit and
debt, considerable financial manipulation (including an attempt by the head of one of New
York’s big banks to corner the copper market), and outright fraud and thievery. But the
underlying cause lay, as virtually always, in the internal contradictions of the capitalist
mode of production and specificially in the fact (as Engels put it) that the expansion of
production proceeds faster than the expansion of the market.
Though relatively short, this panic was
quite sharp and scared the hell out of both the capitalists and the U.S. government. The
financial panic led to a recession in 1908, but it also led to the creation of the
Federal Reserve System (the U.S. central bank)
in 1913. Since “the Fed” did not yet exist in 1907 it fell to J.P. Morgan, by far the most
influential financier of the day, working together with the U.S. Treasury department, to
patch together a resolution for this particular financial crisis. Since that time, it has
been the government itself that has attempted to overall manage the capitalist economy and
deal with its perpetual financial and economic crises.
PANIC OF 1929
See: CRASH OF 1929
PANIC OF 2008
The recent financial crisis, centered in the United States but spreading worldwide, which
was developing significantly during the summer of 2008, but then was especially concentrated
during the fourth quarter of of 2008 and the first quarter of 2009. This Panic is just one
episode within the current overall U.S. and world overproduction crisis, and only one of
several financial panics which will be occurring as part of that over the next several
years.
“PARADOX OF THRIFT”
The supposed “conundrum” in bourgeois economics wherein the tendency of consumers to save
money during poor economic times leads to additional falling of
effective demand, and thus worsens the economic crisis,
leading to more layoffs and cuts in wages, and hence even further reluctance to spend on
the part of consumers. This is simply one aspect of the fact that people’s psychology can
intensify a boom and also intensify a recession or depression. It is not really a puzzle,
though it appears to be so to bourgeois moralists who simultaneously tell people they should
save for a rainy day and also “get out there and spend”, even if they have to borrow to do
so!
Keynes thought
that negative psychological factors such as this might keep an economy operating at only a
perpetually weak level, and this is why a burst of government deficit spending could perk
up people’s economic spirits, and get them spending freely again. This would supposedly
“prime the pump” and restore the economy to a healthy
condition. The flaw in this thinking is that problems with a capitalist economy are most
fundamentally due to objective factors (such as the fact that the workers simply
cannot be paid enough to buy back all the commodities they produce for the capitalists),
and not just psychological moods.
PARIS COMMUNE
The first proletarian uprising which achieved state power for a time. The Paris Commune
was established in Paris in March 1871, and was brutally suppressed after two months. The
Commune provided both positive and negative lessons. The positive lessons included a vivid
example of the real democracy for the people possible with proletarian rule. Among the
negative lessons were the realization that the proletariat was not sufficiently organized
and conscious of its tasks, and did not act with sufficient determination against the
bourgeoisie to prevent their comeback (which led Marx to add the principle the
Dictatorship of the Proletariat to the list
of basic principles of Marxism).
“It seems the Parisians are succumbing. It is their own fault, but a fault which was in fact due to their too great decency. The Central Committee and later the Commune gave Thiers, that mischievous dwarf, time to concentrate the hostile forces, firstly because they rather foolishly did not want to start a civil war—as if Thiers had not already started it by his attempt at the forcible disarming of Paris, as if the National Assembly, summoned for the sole purpose of deciding the question of war or peace with the Prussians, had not immediately declared war on the Republic! Secondly, in order that the appearance of having usurped power should not attach to them they lost precious moments (it was imperative to advance on Versailles immediately after the defeat (Place Vendôme) of the reactionaries in Paris) by the election of the Commune, the organization of which, etc., cost yet more time.” —Marx, Letter to Wilhelm Liebknecht, April 6, 1871, in Marx-Engels Selected Correspondence (1975), p. 246; slightly different translation in MECW 44:128.
PARMENIDES OF ELEA (born c. 515 BCE)
The founder of the Eleatic School of ancient Greek
philosophy. (Plato, however, says that the founder of that school
was Xenophanes, and it seems Parmenides was influenced
by Xenophanes and may have been his pupil.) Parmenides believed and taught that despite
all appearances to the contrary, reality must be “One”, that is, an eternal, imperishable,
indivisible, motionless and perfect single entity. This may have been one of the earliest
arguments for this specific idealist conception, which has
frequently reappeared in abstract forms of religion (including Buddhism) and
mysticism. Parmenides’s most famous student was
Zeno of Elea, the propounder of paradoxes which
attempted to “logically prove” Parmenides’s peculiar idea.
PARTICULARS
See: UNIVERSALS vs. PARTICULARS
PARTY DEMOCRACY
See: DEMOCRACY—Within Revolutionary
Parties
“PARTY OF THE WHOLE PEOPLE”
During the revisionist era in the Soviet Union (mid-1950s to its collapse in 1991), the
so-called “Communist Party of the Soviet Union” (CPSU) described itself as the “party of
the whole people”. In reality no political party can truly represent opposed social classes
and their conflicting class interests, though of course all bourgeois parties claim
that they represent “everyone”. In its famous polemic against the Soviet revisionists, the
Communist Party of China commented on this topic:
“Can there be a ‘party of the entire people’? Is it possible to
replace the party which is the vanguard of the proletariat by a ‘party of the entire
people’?
“This, too, is not a question
about the internal affairs of any particular Party, but a fundamental problem
involving the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism.
“In the view of Marxist-Leninists,
there is no such thing as a non-class or supra-class political party. All political
parties have a class character. Party spirit is the concentrated expression of class
character.
“The party of the proletariat
is the only party able to represent the interests of the whole people. It can do so
precisely because it represents the interests of the proletariat, whose ideas and will
it concentrates. It can lead the whole people because the proletariat can finally
emanicipate itself only with the emanicpation of all mankind, because the very nature
of the proletariat enables its party to approach problems in terms of its present and
future interests, because the party is boundlessly loyal to the people and has the
spirit of self-sacrifice; hence its democratic centralism and iron discipline. Without
such a party, it is impossible to maintain the dictatorship of the proletariat and to
represent the interests of the whole people.” —A Proposal Concerning the General
Line of the International Communist Movement: The letter of the Central Committee of
the Communist Party of China in reply to the letter of the Central Committee of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union of March 30, 1963 (Peking: Foreign Languages
Press, 1963), p. 42.
In other words, the only way to really represent the ultimate interests of the entire population is to follow a political program now which is based on the class interests of the proletariat, and of that class alone. Talk of a “Party of the whole people” is a renunciation of the class perspective necessary now in order to really satisfied the ultimate interests of the “whole people”.
PAST MISTAKES
[Intro to be added... ]
“The mistakes of the past must be exposed without sparing anyone’s sensibilities; it is necessary to analyze and criticize what was bad in the past with a scientific attitude so that work in the future will be done more carefully and done better. This is what is meant by ‘learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones’. But our aim in exposing errors and criticizing shortcomings, like that of a doctor curing a sickness, is solely to save the patient and not to doctor him to death.” —Mao, “Rectify the Party’s Style of Work” (Feb. 1, 1942), SW 3:50.
PATERNALISM
[In Marxist usage:] A method of political leadership (or a political system based on this
method of leadership) wherein the authorities or leaders run things on behalf of
the ordinary people, make decisions for them, and so forth, in the same way that a
father might do for his children. Even if these decisions really are for the benefit of
the people for a time, this is still a perversion of Marxism, which since its founding by
Marx and Engels, has always championed (at least in theory) a truly democratic society
where the people make their own decisions and control their own lives.
The democratic, Marxist alternative to
paternalism is the mass line method of leadership wherein
there are still leaders, but the leaders lead not by themselves deciding things
for the masses, but rather by seeking to educate the masses in their own real
interests and by helping them to organize themselves to implement and satisfy those
interests when they are ready to do so.
By far the worst sin of
Stalin (and he was guilty of other very serious crimes as
well!) was to rule the Soviet Union in a paternalistic manner. The masses were thus not
trained to run things themselves, nor to question or resist their leaders when they
seemed to be making changes that went against their interests. Thus when Khrushchev and
a new generation of leaders came to power after Stalin’s death—leaders who were now
revisionists out for their own welfare and not that of the people—the masses were
unprepared to stop them and were lost.
If the masses accept their status as
“children” who are being taken care of by others—even a supposed Marxist revolutionary
party trying to serve their interests in the way a father might—then eventually they
will be re-enslaved by a new bourgeois ruling class developing out of that once
paternalistic party. That is the foremost lesson of the triumph of revisionism in the
Soviet Union.
See also:
WILL OF THE PEOPLE
PATRIOTISM (In General)
Loyalty to and an emotional attachment toward the country one happens to have been born in.
As George Bernard Shaw put it, “Patriotism is your conviction that this country is superior
to all other countries because you were born in it.” Modern countries were mostly set up by
one or another rising bourgeoisie, and in the modern era are almost always run by and in the
interests of one or another bourgeois ruling class. Thus patriotism to the country they
own and run is in fact patriotism and subservience toward your own bourgeois masters.
Patriotism is used by the capitalists
to help keep the masses under control, and to make them think the country they live in
exists for their own benefit. It is used to make them think that the people of their own
country are better than those of other countries, and to raise fewer objections when other
countries are exploited or attacked. And it is used to get young men (and now also young
women) to join the rulers’ military machines and engage in murderous wars against other
peoples. Patriotism is therefore more than just a lie and a swindle; it is a vicious
bourgeois crime that ordinary people are tricked into going along with!
PATRIOTISM—Under Socialism
The revisionist rulers of the old Soviet Union once wrote:
“However, all honest-minded men and women know that the Communist Parties are the true upholders and champions of national interests, that they are staunch patriots who combine love for their country and proletarian internationalism in their struggle for the happiness of the people.” —“The Letter of the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U. to the Central Committee of the C.P.C.” (March 30, 1963), included in A Proposal Concerning the General Line of the International Communist Movement..., (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1963), p. 92.
Is this correct? No it is not! This revisionist position denies that there is or can be any contradiction between the national interests of one country (even under socialism!) and those of the people of the world and the world communist revolution, but this is clearly undialectical nonsense. The dedication we genuine communists have is not for our country, but for our international working class and the international communist revolution. Even under socialism, patriotism is dubious at best, and by no means the proper ideological outlook for a Marxist.
PAULING, Linus (1901-94)
American chemist who won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1954 for his important work on
chemical bonds and molecular structure, and a Nobel Peace Prize in 1962 for his opposition
to the mad U.S. government preparations for war against the Soviet Union, which threatened
to bring about a nuclear holocaust. The U.S. capitalist ruling class considered him to be a
“Communist” because of his work in favor of disarmament and peace, though he was never
anything more than a pacifist-leaning liberal.
In 1952 Pauling was refused permission to
travel to London for a scientific conference. He reported that the U.S. State Department
decision had been made “because of suspicion that I was a Communist and because my
anti-Communist statements had not been sufficiently strong.” The hypocrisy of the U.S. in
treating one of their most famous scientists this way while at the same time loudly
proclaiming their defense of “freedom” is quite apparent. And certainly ordinary people who
hold beliefs the ruling class disapproves of are often treated much worse. Pauling was later
forced to appear before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, which called him “the
number one scientific name in virtually every major activity of the Communist peace offensive
in this country.” And in a headline Life magazine called his 1962 Nobel Peace Prize
“A Weird Insult from Norway” (because the Norwegian Parliament selects the winners of that
prize). [Some information in this article has been taken from the Wikipedia entry on
Pauling.]
“PAYCHECK TO PAYCHECK”
See: LIVING PAYCHECK TO
PAYCHECK
PEASANT REFORM
The name given to the “emancipation” of the serfs in Russia in 1861. See:
SERFS—Emancipation of in Russia
PEOPLE, The
1. [In Marxist, especially Maoist usage:] The proletariat and its allied classes and
strata, as opposed to “the enemy”.
2. The entire population. (When we anti-revisionist Marxists wish to refer to the entire
population we generally use phrases such as: “the people as a whole”, or—better yet—“the
whole population”.)
PEOPLE’S COMMITTEE AGAINST POLICE ATROCITIES (PCAPA)
Also known as the Police Santrash Birodhi Janasadharaner Committee (PSBJC). This
is a mass organization of Adivasis in the
Jangalmahal area of West Bengal, India. This organization
has strongly defended the rights of the tribal peoples living in that area, especially
against the theft of their land by Indian and transnational mining corporations. This
mass organization has been supported by Maoist revolutionaries in the area, and is now
falsely viewed by the Indian government as itself being composed almost exclusively of
Maoists.
For extensive news reports about the struggles
of the PCAPA see the Lalgarh
Page on BANNEDTHOUGHT.NET.
PEOPLE’S COMMUNES
[To be added... ]
PEOPLE’S DAILY
The daily newspaper published by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China,
and authoritatively expressing the views of the top leadership of that Party. In Chinese
pinyin transliteration its name is Rénmín Rìbào. It was established on June 15,
1948 in Hebei province, and moved to Peking (Beijing) in March 1949. Deng Tuo was its
editor from 1948 to 1958, and Wu Lengxi was its editor from 1958-1966. It is said,
however, that Mao’s personal secretary Hu Qiaomu provided overall supervision for the
newspaper while Mao was alive.
PEOPLE’S LIBERATION ARMY [China]
[To be added... ]
PEOPLE’S LIBERATION ARMY [China] — Democracy Within
The PLA during the Chinese Revolution and the Mao era of the People’s Republic of
China was probably one of the most democratic armies in history, and while Mao was
alive it got ever more democratic as time went on. [More intro material to be added... ]
“Democracy in the three main fields refers to the three aspects of democratic life in the People’s Liberation Army, namely, democracy in the political, economic and military fields. With regard to political democracy, fighters [soldiers] are politically on an equal footing with cadres and are free to criticize and voice their opinions against them and to put forward proposals regarding work in the army. With regard to economic democracy, the economic committee elected by the company’s armymen meeting assists the company leadership in managing the company’s mess and production and supervises expenditures to guard against corruption and waste and any violation of policies. With regard to military democracy, in periods of training there must be mutual instruction between cadres and fighters and among the fighters themselves, and there must be a review of the results of the instruction and learning. In periods of fighting, the rank and file should be aroused to discuss how to fulfil combat tasks and at the end of an engagement to review the fighting.” —From a short glossary accompanying an editorial from Jiefangjun Bao [Liberation Army Daily], Peking Review, vol. 10, #3, Jan. 13, 1967, p. 10.
PEOPLE’S WAR
[To be added... ]
PEOPLE’S WILL
See: NARODNAYA VOLYA
PERCEPTION
[To be added... ]
See also:
SENSATION
PERSONAL EXPERIENCE
“Experience is essential for the cadres, and failure is indeed the mother of success. But it is also necessary to learn with an open mind from other people’s experience, and it is sheer ‘narrow empiricism’ to insist on one’s own personal experience in all matters and, in its absence, to adhere stubbornly to one’s own opinions and reject other people’s experience.” —Mao, “Problems of Strategy in China’s Revolutionary War” (December 1936), SW1:223.
PERSONALITY CULT
An excessive or unquestioning deference to the authority of an individual leader,
generally promoted by that person or a group led by that person. Marx, who introduced
the term, called it the “superstitious belief in authority”. Also known as the “cult of
the individual”.
“... Neither of us [Marx and Engels] cares a straw for popularity. A proof of this is, for example, that, because of aversion to any personality cult, I have never permitted the numerous expressions of appreciation from various countries, with which I was pestered during the existence of the International, to reach the realm of publicity, and have never answered them, except occasionally by a rebuke. When Engels and I first joined the secret Communist Society we made it a condition that everything tending to encourage superstitious belief in authority was to be removed from the Rules.” —Marx, Letter to Wilhelm Blos, Nov. 10, 1877, Marx-Engels: Selected Correspondence (Moscow: Progress, 1975), p. 291. [In a slightly different translation in MECW 45:288.]
PETTY BOURGEOISIE
Literally in French, the “little bourgeoisie”. In other words, a social class between
the proletariat (working class) and the bourgeoisie (capitalist class), which (for the
most part, at least) neither exploits members of other classes, nor are themselves
exploited by other classes. Thus, professional people (lawyers, doctors, etc.) who do not
work for corporations but who “hang out their own shingle”, and (very!) small businessmen
and store owners, who run their businesses alone or with their families, etc. Of course the
lines are quickly blurred somewhat, since many small businesses also hire one or a few
employees, but still do not receive the bulk of their income through exploiting the labor
of others.
[More to be added.]
PETTY, Sir William (1623-87)
An early bourgeois political economist, described by Marx as the “founder of political
economy” and by Keynes as “the father of modern economics”. His principal mentor was
Hobbes, particularly in matters of taxation. Petty was an
original thinker and is credited with the first clear statements of many ideas in political
economy, including the labor theory of value, the
differential theory of rent, how banks
create credit, and the velocity of money circulation.
He was also the first economist to put forward public works as a cure for unemployment
(which Keynes often gets undeserved credit for).
PETTY’S LAW
The tendency in a capitalist economy for the proportion of the labor force engaged in
services (rather than production) to increase over time. Some of the reasons why this
occurs (or may occur) include:
1) The tendency of firms to become
specialized, and to “outsource” service functions which
were formerly done “in-house”.
2) Rising incomes for some social classes
and strata which leads them to hire others to do what they formerly did for themselves.
3) The growing difficulty in finding
profitable new business opportunities in production, which leads some capitalists to start
and promote companies which provide services.
PHENOMENALISM
One of a number of related theories of knowledge based
on the notion that the immediate objects of knowledge are sensations.
These theories often argue that all statements about physical objects are equivalent in meaning
to statements about various subjective sensations that people have. All these theories are
empiricist and idealist to one
degree or another.
A typical expression of phenomenalism is
that, in the words of John Stuart Mill, “objects are
the permanent possibilities of sensations”. This takes sensations as all that we really know,
and seems to imply that there may be no objective reality beyond sensation. It seems
to “define away” the objective reality that gives rise to our sensations. Similar views have
been held by Bertrand Russell and most other empiricists.
Russell held that all talk about physical objects, including their properties and locations,
should be translated into talk about human subjective experiences. From our opposed
materialist perspective we argue that our sensations and impressions of the world actually
arise from, and are based on (to one degree or another), objective reality rather than the
other way around, as the phenomenalists would have it.
Strangely, the views of Mill and Russell
might be considered among the “moderate” forms of phenomenalism. Locke
and Herbert Spencer also held similar views, recognizing
at least that objective reality did exist, though insisting that all we are actually directly
aware of is our own sensations. Kantian agnosticism
formalized this point of view that human knowledge cannot know anything directly about the
real objects that give rise to our sensations, each of which is supposedly an unknowable
“thing-in-itself” (ding-an-sich).
The more extreme forms of phenomenalism merge
into outright subjective idealism. Examples of this
are in the philosophies of Bishop Berkeley,
Ernst Mach, and the loose school of idealist thought known as
Empirio-Criticism.
From the point of view of dialectical
materialism all forms of phenomenalism are false since they divorce human knowledge from
objective reality and from human practice in relating to objective reality.
See also:
POSITIVISM, SENSATIONALISM,
SENSUALISM
PHENOMENOLOGY
[To be added...]
“PHILOSOPHERS’ SHIPS”
A reference to the exiling, on Lenin’s orders, of a small number of reactionary intellectuals
(including a few idealist philosophers) who were hostile to the October Revolution and
revolutionary Russia. In the fall of 1922 two German boats carried 160 expelled reactionaries
to Germany. In 1923 a smaller number of additional bourgeois intellectuals were expelled by
train to Riga, Latvia, or by ship from Odessa to Constantinople. Among those expelled on these
several occasions were: Nikolai Berdyaev, Nikolai Lossky,
Sergei Bulgakov, and Ivan Ilyin.
PHILOSOPHICAL AGNOSTICISM
See: AGNOSTICISM
PHILOSOPHY — Scientific
[To be added... ]
See also:
DIALECTICAL MATERIALISM
“Modern materialism embraces the more recent discoveries of natural science, according to which nature also has its history in time, the celestial bodies, like the organic species that, under favorable conditions, people them, being born and perishing. And even if nature, as a whole, must still be said to move in recurrent cycles, these cycles assume infinitely larger dimensions. In both cases modern materialism is essentially dialectic, and no longer needs any philosophy standing above the other sciences. As soon as each special science is bound to make clear its position in the great totality of things and of our knowledge of things, a special science dealing with this totality is superfluous. That which still survives, independently, of all earlier philosophy is the science of thought and its laws—formal logic and dialectics. Everything else is subsumed in the positive science of nature and history.” —Engels, Anti-Dühring, MECW 25:26.
PIECE WORK
[To be added...]
PL or PLP
See: PROGRESSIVE LABOR PARTY
PLA
See: PEOPLE’S LIBERATION ARMY
PLANNING—ECONOMIC
[To be added... ]
PLATO (c. 427-347 BCE)
[To be added...]
See also:
Philosophical doggerel about
Plato.
PLATONISM
[To be added...]
See also:
MATHEMATICAL PLATONISM
PLEBEIAN POLICE MURDER AND BRUTALITY (in the U.S.) POLITICAL EDUCATION (Of the Working Class) “The question arises, what should political education consist in?
Can it be confined to the propaganda of working-class hostility to the autocracy? Of
course not. It is not enough to explain to the workers that they are politically
oppressed (any more than it is to explain to them that their interests are
antagonistic to the interests of the employers). Agitation must be conducted with
regard to every concrete example of this oppression (as we have begun to carry on
agitation round concrete examples of economic oppression). Inasmuch as this
oppression affects the most diverse classes of society, inasmuch as it manifests itself
in the most varied spherese of life and activity—vocational, civic, personal, family,
religious, scientific, etc., etc.,—is it not evident that we shall not be
fulfilling our task of developing the political consciousness of the workers if
we do not undertake the organization of the political exposure of the
autocracy in all its aspects? In order to carry on agitation round concrete
instances of oppression, these instances must be exposed (as it is necessary to expose
factory abuses in order to carry on economic agitation).” —Lenin, “What Is To Be Done?”
(1902), LCW 5:400-401. POLITICAL STUDY POLITICS — Bourgeois “I believe in the division of labor. You send us to Congress; we pass
laws under which you make money ... and out of your profits, you further contribute to
our campaign funds to send us back again to pass more laws to enable you to make more
money.” —U.S. Senator Boies Penrose (Republican-Pennsylvania), 1896. Quoted in The
Nation, July 21/28, 2003, p. 3. “POLITICS IN COMMAND” PONZI SCHEME POOR PEASANT POPPER, Karl (1902-1994) POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE (In Dialectics) “It is in this dialectic as it is here understood, that is, in the
grasping of opposites in their unity or of the positive in the negative, that
speculative thought consists.” —Hegel, Science of Logic, Introduction,
section 69. POSITIVISM POSSIBILISTS (Or: Broussists) “Possibilists (Broussists)—an opportunist trend in the French
working-class movement of the 1880s led by Benoît Malon and Paul Brousse that
repudiated the idea of a revolutionary proletarian party and renounced revolutionary
struggle, believing that the muncipalities alone could ensure gradual transition to
socialism. This was the opportunist policy of the ‘possible’, and hence the ironic
name Possibilists, coined by Guesde. Towards the end of
the eighties, with the support of opportunist elelments in other countries, notably
Hyndman of the British
Social-Democratic Federation, the
Possibilists tried to capture the leadership of the international working-class movement.
However, most of the socialist organizations refused to follow their lead and sent
delegates to the Marxist congress in Paris (July 14-20, 1889), at which the Second
International was inaugurated. Engels systematically exposed their [the Possibilists’]
splitting activities. In 1902, in conjunction with the other reformist groups, the
Possibilists founded the French Socialist Party, which in 1905 merged with the Socialist
Party of France [which had been founded in 1901]. In the imperialist war of 1914-18
Guesde and the other French socialist leaders became social-chauvinists.” —Footnote 46,
Lenin: SW I (1967). POSTMODERNISM POTENTIAL OUTPUT [Bourgeois Economics] POVERTY POVERTY LINE POVERTY OF PHILOSOPHY, The [Book by Marx (1847)] PRACTICE [Term in Marxist Philosophy] “Practice is higher than (theoretical) knowledge,
for it has not only the dignity of universality, but also the immediate actuality.”
—Lenin, “Conspectus of Hegel’s Book Science of Logic” (1914), LCW 38:213. PRAGMATISM PRAIRIE FIRE ORGANIZING COMMITTEE PRATT, Elmer “Geronimo” (1947- ) PRAVDA [“Truth”] “Pravda (Truth) — Bolshevik legal daily published in
St. Petersburg. It was founded in April 1912 on the initiative of St. Petersburg
workers. “PREACHING TO THE CHOIR” PREBISCH THESIS (or SINGER-PREBISCH THESIS) PREDATORY LENDING PREDICTIONS — In Economics PRETHEORETICAL CATEGORY PRICE PRIME RATE “PRIMING THE PUMP” PRIMITIVE ACCUMULATION “Thus primitive accumulation, as I have already shown [Cf. the
Grundrisse], means nothing but the separation of labor and the worker from the
conditions of labor, which confront him as independent forces.” —Marx, TSV, 3:271. “Accumulation merely presents as a continuous process what in
primitive accumulation appears as a distinct historical process, as the process
of the emergence of capital and as a transition from one mode of production to another.”
—Marx, TSV, 3:272. PRIMITIVE COMMUNAL SOCIETY (or PRIMITIVE COMMUNIST SOCIETY) PRIMITIVE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION PRINCIPLES OF REVOLUTIONARY MARXISM PROBLEM OF EVIL PRODUCTION PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION “A part of the surplus-value realized in profit, i.e., that part
which assumes the form of interest on capital laid out (whether borrowed or not),
appears to the capitalist as outlay, as production cost which he
has as a capitalist, just as profit in general is the immediate aim of capitalist
production. But in interest (especially on borrowed capital), this appears also as the
actual precondition of his production. PRODUCTIVE FORCES PRODUCTIVE LABOR PRODUCTIVITY “Hitherto it is questionable if all the mechanical inventions yet made
have lightened the day’s toil of any human being. They have enabled a greater population
to live the same life of drudgery and imprisonment, and an increased number of
manufacturers and others to make fortunes. They have increased the comforts of the
middle classes [i.e., bourgeoisie]. But they have not yet begun to effect those great
changes in human destiny, which it is in their nature and in their futurity to
accomplish.” —John Stuart Mill, Principles of Political Economy (1848), Bk. IV,
ch. VI, sect. 2. [Since Mill’s day some very small proportion of the benefits due to
the great advances in the productivity of labor have sometimes been won by the working
class through their great struggles, but the vast preponderance still goes to the
capitalists.] “Capital therefore has an immanent drive, and a constant tendency,
towards increasing the productivity of labor, in order to cheapen commodities and, by
cheapening commodities, to cheapen the worker himself.” —Marx, Capital, Vol. I,
ch. 12. (Penguin ed., pp. 436-7.) PRODUCTIVITY — “Total Factor” “Alas, the usefulness of [total-factor] productivity statistics is
questionable. The quality of different inputs can change significantly over time.
There can also be significant differences in the mix of inputs. Furthermore, firms
and countries may use different definitions of their inputs, especially capital.”
—Matthew Bishop, Essential Economics: An A-Z Guide, 2nd ed., 2009. PROFIT PROFIT, AVERAGE “To be produced, to be brought to the market, the commodity must at
least fetch that market price, that cost-price to the
seller, whether its own value be greater or smaller than that cost-price. It is a
matter of indifference to the capitalist whether his commodity contains more or less
unpaid labor than other commodities, if into its price enters as much of the general
stock of unpaid labor, or the surplus product in which it is fixed, as every other
equal quantity of capital will draw from that common stock. In this respect, the
capitalists are ‘communists’. In competition, each naturally tries to secure
more than the average profit, which is only possible if others secure less. It is
precisely as a result of this struggle that the average profit is established.” —Marx,
TSV 3:83. “PROGRESSIVE” (Noun) “A progressive never asks people what they want—why should he, when he
already knows what’s good for them?” —Derek Bickerton, Bastard Tongues (2008),
p. 186. [This criticizes the tendency among “progressives” and liberals toward
paternalism, which demonstrates their total ignorance of
the mass line.] PROGRESSIVE LABOR PARTY PROLETKULT (or PROLETCULT) ORGANIZATION “Despite this setback, Proletkult leaders continued after 1920 to
exercise influence in other institutions and on Soviet intellectual life. The Bogdanovists
considered the Soviet regime to be not a ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ but rather a
coalition of the proletariat, the poor peasantry and the bourgeois intelligensia. Given
the cultural backwardness of the first two strata they considered it likely, under
prevailing conditions of state capitalism [during the NEP], that
the intelligentsia would emerge as the ruling class. Without challenging the role of the
Party as custodian of the political interests of the working class or of the trade unions
as custodian of their economic interests, the Proletkult had reserved for itself the role
of guardian of the cultural development of the working class, arguing that the transition
to socialism required the formation of a proletarian intelligentsia.” —John Biggart, in
Harold Shukman, ed., The Blackwell Encyclopedia of the Russian Revolution (1988),
p. 271. PROLETARIAN CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS PROLETARIAN DEMOCRACY “Proletarian democracy is a million times more democratic than
any bourgeois dmocracy; Soviet power is a million times more democratic than the most
democratic bourgeois republic.” —Lenin, “Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade
Kautsky” (Oct.-Nov. 1918), LCW 28:243. (Of course Lenin’s comment became much less true
in the Stalin period, and completely untrue during the revisionist period of the Soviet
Union.) PROLETARIAN MORALITY PROLETARIAT “By proletariat [is meant] the class of modern wage-laborers who, having
no means of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labor-power in order
to live.” —Engels, footnote added to the 1988 English edition of the Manifesto of the
Communist Party, MECW 6:482. PROPAGANDA PROPERTY RELATIONS PROUDHON, Pierre Joseph (1809-1865) “Proudhon criticized big capitalist property from the petty-bourgeois
position and dreamed of perpetuating petty property ownership; he proposed the
foundation of ‘people’s’ and ‘exchange’ banks, with the aid of which the workers
would be able to acquire the means of production, become handicraftsmen, and ensure
the ‘just’ marketing of their wares. Proudhon did not understand the role and
significance of the proletariat and displayed a negative attitude towards the class
struggle, the proletarian revolution, and the dictatorship of the proletariat; as an
anarchist he denied the necessity for the state. Marx and Engels struggled persistently
against Proudhon’s efforts to impose his views on the First International. Proudhonism
was subjected to a ruthless criticism in Marx’s Poverty of Philosophy. The
determined struggle waged by Marx, Engels, and their supporters ended in the complete
victory of Marxism over Proudhonism in the First International. POLICE SANTRASH BIRODHI JANASADHARANER COMMITTEE (PSBJC) “PUMP-PRIMING” PUNCTUATED EQUILIBRIUM PURCHASING POWER PARITY PURPOSE PUT or PUT OPTION “PUT POLITICS IN COMMAND” PYTHAGORAS (c. 570-c. 495 BCE) PYTHAGOREANS Dictionary Home Page and Letter Index
1. [In ancient Rome:] A member of the lower classes (but not including slaves).
2. [In any class society:] One of the common (or ordinary) people, as opposed to the upper classes.
[To be added...]
See also:
COINTELPRO: FBI’s War on Black America (1989) [high quality 50 min. documentary
video by Denis Mueller & Deb Ellis].
[To be added... ]
See also:
REPEATED STUDY
[To be added... ]
[To be added... ]
1. [In China before collectivization in the 1950s:] A peasant (farmer) who owned only
a very small amount of land, and few (if any) work animals and pieces of farm equipment,
and who consequently had to work part of the time for landlords
or rich peasants, in addition to working his own land.
2. Someone in a similar situation at other times and places.
See also:
CHINA—Class Analysis Before 1949
Austrian-British bourgeois philosopher strongly influenced by
logical positivism. [More to be added...]
See also:
Philosophical doggerel about
Popper.
A way of looking at dialectical development (and the mode of expression used sometimes by
Hegel) in which the lasting or developing aspect of a dialectical contradiction is considered
to be the positive aspect, while the aspect being overcome is considered to be the
negative aspect. In Marxist discussion of dialectics it is more usual to talk about
opposition than it is positive vs. negative.
One of several related bourgeois idealist empiricist philosophies, especially these two:
1. The theory founded by the French philosopher Auguste Comte (1798-1857), which denies
the possibility of ever coming to know the inner connections and relations of things in
the world, and denies the capability of philosophy as a means of knowing and changing the
objective world. Philosophy is instead reduced to merely summarizing the data obtained by
the sciences and a superficial description of direct observation, or—in other words—to
what they call “positive” facts. These Comtean positivists view themselves as being
“above” idealism and materialism, but in fact their doctrine is merely a variety of
subjective idealism.
2. LOGICAL POSITIVISM
Political opportunists always like to chant that “politics is the art of the possible”.
They often use this argument to justify the abandonment of matters of principle and their
accomodation to the policies and views of the bourgeois ruling class. One particular group in
France in the late 19th century that did this was even called the “Possibilists”:
[Sometimes with a hyphen.] A cynical, even nihilistic, trend in modern bourgeois philosophy
(especially Continental philosophy) that denigrates concepts such as objectivity and
reality and that denies there is any such thing as scientific truth in any sphere.
[More to be added...]
See also:
DECONSTRUCTIONISM
The output (as measured by GDP) of a capitalist economy during a given period when all its
capital and technology are fully put to use. In other words, the output if all the machinery
in all the factories was put to good use by the appropriately skilled labor force.
At least that is what potential output
is supposed to be in theory! In actuality, bourgeois economists are driven to cheat on this
definition in a whole variety of ways. First, they acknowledge that at any given time there
are a lot of machines which are not being utilized, and even some entire factories closed
down, but say that it would be impossible to put all of them into full use because if all
the companies involved tried to do that at the same time there would be shortages of raw
materials, fuel, and so forth! Of course that is true, but if all these companies were to
gradually crank up all their machines and factories, there would soon be much more raw
materials produced. So this type of excuse is really pure baloney. After all, it is these
same apologists for capitalism that claim that the market will soon correct for any
short-term shortages!
Another excuse for not counting all the
idle machines and factories is the claim that a certain portion of them are not intended to
be used full time. Instead, companies keep a certain amount of excess capacity around just
to meet occasional bursts in demand.
Yet another way in which the real potential
production of companies (and the economy as a whole) is grossly underestimated is through
counting “full production” as being based on “current industry standards”, which—given the
steady overproduction of capital—keep getting lowered. If a company were really going all
out to produce all it could, for example, it would be operating its production facilities
around the clock, in three shifts. But if effective demand has long since been far exceeded
by the expansion of capital, the “industry standard” might now be to operate only one or
maybe two shifts.
Through phony methods and excuses like
these, the actual estimates by bourgeois economists of what the “potential output” of a
capitalist economy is get grossly understated. Nevertheless, even given these maneuvers,
these economists still need to admit at times of recession (at least) that the economy is
not producing up to its “full potential”. This is embarrassing for them because their own
economic theory states that capitalist economies always will produce at full
capacity (barring “external forces”). Their adherence to “Say’s
Law” forces them to claim, as Ricardo loved to say, that
any amount of capital can and will be put to good use.
Reality shows otherwise, and even bourgeois
economists are forced to admit the existence of “output gaps”
between actual production and potential production.
See also:
CAPACITY UTILIZATION RATES
The condition of lacking the usual or socially acceptable minimum amounts of money
and material possessions; in other words, being quite poor. This often implies shortage of
food, hunger, deficient nutrition, poor or unavailable health care, poor quality housing
or even homelessness, lack of access to educational opportunities, and so forth.
Capitalism as a socioeconomic system is
unable (or unwilling) to prevent a significant portion of the population from living in
poverty, even in the richest and most advanced capitalist-imperialist countries which steal
enormous amounts of wealth from the rest of the world. The level of poverty in any given
country depends on a variety of factors, many of which can vary over time. There is always
much higher levels of povery in “Third World” countries,
which are exploited by foreign imperialism. And poverty levels generally fluctuate somewhat
with capitalist economic cycles, and increase substantially in periods of economic crisis.
Most governments rather arbitrarily set
what they call a poverty line, or level of income below which
a person or family is considered to be “in poverty”. This line is virtually always set
absurdly low in order to try to hide the true extent of real poverty that exists. Even so,
the poverty levels in the United States today are quite high and expanding rapidly. In
2009, by this government standard, 14.3% of Americans lived in poverty, which is the
highest level in 15 years. That’s a total of 44 million people, or 1 in 7. Among children,
1 in 5 lives in poverty. All this in the richest country in the world. [Statistics from
a Census Bureau report, quoted in the New York Times, Sept. 16, 2010.]
See also below and:
WORLD POVERTY
A dividing line in income levels below which everyone recognizes that a family is living
in poverty, and slightly above which is not at all considered as poverty by the
well-to-do bourgeois assholes who specify the line and who would squeal like stuck pigs
if they were forced to live on even just 10 times as much!
For the year 2009 the official U.S.
poverty line was $10,830 for a single adult, and $22,050 for a family of four.
See also the entry for
POVERTY just above.
[Intro material to be added...]
In a letter to Marx (on May 12, 1851)
commenting on this book Ferdinand Lasalle said that Marx showed himself to be “a Hegel
turned economist, a Ricardo turned socialist”. And there is indeed something essential
about Marxism ever since that it combines philosophy, political economy and politics into
an integrated and coherent whole.
[Intro to be added... ]
[To be added...]
See also my essay “Chopping Onions and
Pragmatism” at
http://www.massline.org/Philosophy/ScottH/ChoppingOnions.htm.
[To be added... ]
A leader of the Black Panther Party who spent
27 years in prison on trumped-up charges of murder and kidnapping, including 8 years of
that time in solitary confinement. Pratt was targeted by the FBI program known as
COINTELPRO, which aimed to
“neutralize Pratt as an effective BPP functionary.” [From: LA 157-3436, the partially
redacted COINTELPRO file on Geronimo Pratt.]
In December 1968 Pratt was in the San
Francisco Bay Area attending BPP meetings. At the same time a woman was kidnapped and
murdered in southern California as part of a robbery. The woman’s husband, who was also
wounded in that attack originally identified someone else as the killer. But a police and
FBI informant within the BPP, Julius Butler, then claimed Geronimo Pratt was the killer.
Since Pratt was a southern California leader
of the BPP, both the FBI and the Los Angeles Police Department had him under constant
surveillance. The Oakland police also had (illegal) wiretaps of Pratt in conversations
in the Bay Area at the time of the murder. They all therefore knew that he was innocent
of the crime. However, they withheld this information, along with the fact that Julius
Butler was secretly working for them. Thus, whether they put Butler up to his false
accusation or not (and they very probably did, since they were holding serious criminal
charges over his head that gave them powerful leverage with him), they definitely
participating in the frame-up. This led to Pratt being falsely convicted in 1972.
It was not until 1997 that Pratt’s
conviction was overturned. He then won a false imprisonment lawsuit against the City
of Los Angeles and the FBI, with a reported settlement of $4.5 million (including $1.75
million from the federal government).
This was little enough recompense for the ruin of much of his life by the government.
Since finally being freed, Pratt has worked as a human rights activist with a particular
focus on other false imprisonment cases, and has participated in the campaign to free the
political prisoner Mumia Abu-Jamal.
See also:
COINTELPRO: FBI’s War on Black America (1989) [high quality 50 min. documentary
video by Denis Mueller & Deb Ellis].
The official newspaper of the Central Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor
Party [Bolsheviks], later renamed the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, from the
paper’s establishment in 1912 until it was closed down by Russian President Boris Yeltsin
in 1991.
“Pravda was a mass
working-class newspaper maintained by funds collected by the workers themselves.
Articles were contributed by a large group of worker-correspondents and
worker-writers—in one year alone the paper published 11,000 items from its
worker-correspondents. The average circulation was 40,000, and occasionally it
reached 60,000 copies.
“Lenin directed the work of
the paper from abroad, writing an article almost daily; he gave his advice to the
editors and mustered the Party’s best literary forces for the paper.
“The police persecuted
Pravda systematically; in the first year of publication 41 issues were
confiscated and 36 summonses were made against the editors.
“In the course of two years
and three months Pravda was suppressed eight times but each time it again
appeared under a new name—Rabochaya Pravda (Workers’ Truth), Severnaya
Pravda (Northern Truth), Pravda Truda (Labor’s Truth), Za Pravda
(For Truth), Proletarskaya Pravda (Proletarian Truth), Put Pravda
(The Way of Truth), Rabochy (The Worker), Trudovaya Pravda (Labor
Truth). The newspaper was finally [completely] suppressed on July 8 (21),
1914, on the eve of the First World War, and publication did not begin again
until after the February Revolution. From March 5 (18), 1917, Pravda was
published as the Central Organ of the R.S.D.L.P. Lenin joined the editorial
board on April 5 (18), 1917, on his return from abroad and guided the work of
the editors. On July 5 (18), 1917, the Pravda offices were wrecked by
military cadets and Cossacks. From July to October 1917, Pravda,
persecuted by the Provisional Government, frequently changed its name and
appeared as: Listok Pravdy (Pravda’s Sheet), Proletary (The
Proletarian), Rabochy (The Worker), and Rabochy Put (Workers’s
Path). Since October 27 (November 9), 1917, the newspaper has appeared
regularly under its original name of Pravda.” —Footnote 13, LCW
19:564-565.
Directing agitation or propaganda
(in Lenin’s sense) at those who already agree with what is being said, rather than trying
to reach and win over those who don’t already understand and agree with the ideas. This
is a very common failing within most social movements, both left and right.
The idea that the terms of trade between raw materials (or “primary products” such as
agricultural crops and minerals) and manufactured goods get worse and worse over time,
so that countries that depend heavily on the export of raw materials and other bulk
commodities should switch over to manufacturing, or at least diversify, as soon as they
are able to do so.
There is obviously some considerable
empirical basis for this idea in the modern capitalist-imperialist world. But to be
analytically coherent it would be necessary to explicate just how the imperialist
domination of Third World countries has led to this very common result. In other words,
the thesis should be viewed as just a very secondary corollary to the workings of
capitalist-imperialism.
The “thesis”, or observation, was first
made separately by Raul Prebisch and Hans Singer in 1950, based on the extensive study
of historical data of the trend in prices of different sorts of bulk commodities and
manufactured goods. Bourgeois economists have sought to explain this observation with
the claim that there is a “greater elasticity of demand” for manufactured goods, but
that makes little sense. In any case, it is undeniable that this very unfair result
occurred through the workings of the so-called “free market” which bourgeois
economists have always exhaulted.
There is also some reason to believe
that the Prebisch Thesis may no longer be as true or evident as it used to be, no
doubt largely because of the great fall in the prices of manufactured goods due to the
rapid industrialization and exploitation of cheap labor in China and other parts of
Asia. This strongly suggests that the relatively faster increase in prices of
manufactured goods (versus bulk commodities) in former decades may have mostly been
due to monopoly effects in the industrialized imperialist countries.
A common practice in contemporary capitalism whereby banks and other financial institutions
issue mortgages or other loans to people in misrepresented or even outright fradulent
ways, which end up severely harming these people eventually. Here are a just a few of the
huge number of ways of doing this:
* Falsely representing an
adjustable-rate mortgage (ARM) as a fixed-rate mortgage, thus
exposing the mortgage holder to future payments which they cannot possibly afford.
* Failing to clearly and openly
disclose balloon payments (very large individual repayments on the loan) which will
become due at a later date, and which the mortgage holder will not be able to pay.
* Representing initial “teaser
rates” (temporary low interest rates) on loans as the interest rate that would continue
for the life of the loan.
* Signing people up for loans at
higher interest rates when they actually have credit ratings that qualify them for
lower interest rates. (Many people who were signed up for
subprime mortgages over the past decade actually
qualified for better mortgages with lower interest rates.)
Of course people taking out mortgages
were also always told that the economy would keep booming and that the prices of homes
and property would continue to increase indefinitely. Thus they were led to believe
that even if they were unable to make the mortgage payments in the future they could
still sell the home and end up with a big profit.
In the U.S. alone, millions of victims
of predatory lending have lost their homes, lost tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars
in the process, had their credit ratings ruined, and had their lives disrupted. But the
banks have made billions of dollars of profits this way, and only a relatively small
number of the most blatantly fraudulent mortgage salesmen have gone to jail.
See: ECONOMIC PREDICTIONS,
ECONOMIC FORECASTING (Bourgeois)
An ill-defined or vague concept based on a crude and undeveloped theory, or where there
is no overall theory as yet. Many categories in bourgeois ideology, such as
“middle class” might well be considered to be
pretheoretic notions. However, it is probably true that all theoretical terms
start out as pretheoretical notions; some always remain vague and confused, while others
are eventually transformed into more definite and precise terms or categories in the
course of developing the relevant theory in a scientific manner.
[Under capitalism:] The value of a commodity expressed in money.
“Price is the converted form in which the exchange-value of commodities appears within the
circulation process.” —Marx, CCPE, p. 66. “Price is the money-name of the labor realized in
a commodity.” —Marx, Capital, vol. I, Ch. 3, sect. 1: (International, p. 101; Penguin,
pp. 195-6.)
The actual market price, however, tends to
fluctuate somewhat around its value based on variations in supply
and demand, and also deviates more systematically from its actual value from one industry
to another based on the relative amount of machinery being used (because rates of profit tend
to get equalized across industries). Prices may also systematically exceed value in industries
because of monopoly conditions. Although the prices of individual commodities deviate in
practice from their value, considered as a whole the sum of the prices of all
the commodities produced in a capitalist system normally equals the sum of the values of all
the commodities. When you go to buy something at the store you are concerned primarily with
its price, but when you want to correctly analyze and understand the capitalist system
of production you must focus first of all on the Marxist concept of value.
See also:
COST-PRICE
[Under socialism:] Prices under socialism are set according to a state plan for production and
distribution, instead of constantly fluctuating as they do under a capitalist market system.
Prices are still set, in part, according to the law of value,
though to a gradually diminishing degree as socialism develops in the direction of communism
where goods and services are distributed free. Moreover, the socialist state will tend to
purposely lower the prices of basic necessities below their value, while somewhat raising the
prices of luxury goods above their value. Thus the overall long-term trend for all
prices under socialism is to fall, but for the prices of goods and services of special
importance to the people (health services, food, everyday clothing, housing, transportation,
education, etc.) to fall faster and more sharply.
The interest rate quoted by commercial banks for short-term loans to their best (safest!)
commercial customers, usually big corporations. This rate fluctuates based on the cost of money
to the banks themselves (the discount rate) from the
Federal Reserve, the health of the economy and that of the
particular bank, and so forth. Despite the quoted prime rate, banks sometimes charge
higher or lower interest rates for particular loans.
For the benefit of recent generations we should first say what “priming the pump” is literally,
before talking about the analogy used in Keynesian economics!
Pumping the handle on old-style mechanical pumps was once the common method used to draw water up
from a well. Once water was being pumped out, the damp leather (or similar) seal inside the pump
kept air from rushing in at the top (which would allow the partially raised water to fall all the
way back down again before the handle was pumped again). So in order to successfully raise water
from the well to the spout it was often necessary to pour a bit of water down into the pump
mechanism first. This was called “priming the pump”. Once the seal was damp, water could be raised
to the spout, and the water being raised continued to keep the seal damp, allowing yet more water
to be raised by further pumping.
Keynes and his followers used this as an analogy
for how government deficit financing could get a weakened economy, or one in recession, going
strongly again. The problem is that this is a very weak analogy to the true economic situation.
Keynes understood that sometimes
“effective demand” was insufficient to keep the economy going,
and that therefore the government had to somehow get more money into the hands of people who would
spend it. This is the “priming” part! But he and his followers believed that once this happens the
economy should from then on be able to run for a very long time without further government deficits,
and even that government surpluses could be successfully managed that would make up for the previous
deficits. There are actually some limited circumstances where this can be true for a time. If, for
example, the reason for the weakness in the economy was primarily psychological, that people were
not going into debt to buy things because they feared they might be layed off, then a fairly short
boost to the economy might lead people to abandon their fears, and decide to take out new loans
to buy TVs, cars and houses.
But the problem in the economy eventually gets to
be much more basic than something like that; the working class and masses will eventually pile up
so much debt that they can’t obtain new loans when they apply for them. In that case, getting
government money into their hands will still allow them to buy things but only as long as the
government money keeps flowing! In this situation, government deficits still work to keep the
economy going, but only as long as they continue (and, for reasons we won’t get into at the
moment, for as long as these government deficits keep expanding at an ever faster pace).
In other words, no pump is actually being primed, and the economy will not be able to
continue on its own.
However, Keynesian economists deeply believe in this
“pump-priming” theory for several reasons:
1) They see it work on occasion (as with the
psychology example) and falsely conclude that it must always work, no matter what the situation.
2) They have the theory that the
Great Depression of the 1930s was resolved through this
means; if not through government deficits for public works, then at least through massive government
deficits accumulated during World War II. (“Military
Keynesianism”.) Actually Keynesian deficits did interrupt the Depression, but only the
massive destruction of capital during the war truly ended the Depression, and kept it from
resuming after the war.
3) Being bourgeois ideologists, they just can’t
believe that capitalism has any internal flaw that might keep it from working smoothly most of the
time. They imagine that all problems with the capitalist economy come from the outside and are
fairly easily dealt with if the right techniques (such as Keynesian deficit pump-priming) are
used. In other words, they don’t really understand how capitalism actually works, and its serious
and inherent internal contradictions.
[Intro material to be added... ]
The first socioeconomic formation in human
history (and pre-history), which lasted for hundreds of thousands of years, and which is
characterized by the collective ownership of the means
of production (such as the land and nature’s bounty), an absence of social classes and
exploitation, a primitive division of labor based only on “natural” factors such as age,
sex and physical ability, more or less equal distribution of goods, and a very low level
of development of the productive forces. For the most part people in this form of society
were nomadic hunter-gatherers, without agriculture or any settled life.
It is important to note that the
people in these societies are/were not biologically “primitive” in any way (at
least during the past tens or perhaps hundreds of thousands of years), but rather their
socioeconomic system that is/was primitive, when compared to more advanced
societies.
As of the year 2000 there were very few
examples of primitive communal society still left in existence, and even those few which
did remain were influenced to various degrees by the class societies all around them. One
of the last remaining primitive communal societies (and one of the best studied) is that of
the Dobe Ju/’hoansi people of the southern region of the Kalahari Desert in Botswana and
Namibia. There are about 50,000 Dobe people, who speak a San language which includes
various click sounds, and who are nomadic hunter-gatherers subsisting on fruits, nuts,
roots and hunted animals. They live in separate social bands of
usually 25 to 50 people, with no organizational forms at any higher level. Even within
each band there is no formal political or economic organization or leadership, and even
very little specialization or division of labor (except along “natural” lines). However,
they practice a form of what cultural anthropologists call “situational authority”, where
leaders emerge and then disappear based on the varying tasks at hand. And of course there
are no social classes. As one anthropologist, Edward Fischer of Vanderbilt University,
comments: “The Dobe are noted for their fierce egalitarian ethic; when a Dobe hunter
makes a kill, he must distribute the meat among everyone in his band. Dobe society does
not distinguish between work and leisure time.” And what outsiders would consider work
(such as actual time spent gathering food or hunting) usually takes up only a modest part
of their day.
Those people who claim that “human
nature” prevents socialism or communism from ever working seem not to know that humanity
arose and has spent most of the hundreds of thousands of years of its existence in a
form of cooperative society which is based on sharing, cooperation and general
equality.
The social organization in the earliest forms of human society, and especially within
primitive communal society. Although class
society (primarily capitalism, of course) now exists in almost every corner of the
world, there still exists today a few small and remote regions where pre-class, primitive
communal society persists. Moreover, the scientific investigation of such societies
began back in the 19th century when such societies existed in larger numbers.
This has allowed us to develop some general understanding of how these societies function.
It has been found that the social organization of these societies is/was very much simpler
than has developed in class society, and—in particular—nothing like a government or a
state existed.
One widespread modern summary theory is
that of the American anthropologist Elman Rogers Service (1915-96) who postulated the
following four levels of social organization (in his book Primitive Social Organization:
An Evolutionary Perspective, 1962):
Level 1 — Band: Bands are groups
of roughly 25 to 50 people, who have no higher form of social organization. While there
will probably be other similar bands nearby, sharing a common language and culture, there
is no formal organizational structure by which they relate to each other. Moreover, even
within a single band itself there is no formal structure, no established leadership. As
mentioned in the entry for PRIMITIVE COMMUNALISM above, the only
form of leadership is a “situational authority” wherein some particular person might on
this occasion or that take a temporary leadership role in some specific task (such as a
hunt). Such an absence of government and institutionalized authority is possible only
because there are no social classes, and a deeply entrenched culture of cooperation and
sharing.
Level 2 — Tribe: Tribes are groups
of a few hundred to a few thousand people. This higher population density usually requires
an increased dependence of plant food based on some form of low-intensity farming (such as
by harvesting crops which were planted but perhaps not otherwise well-tended). Because of
such primitive farming, tribes are most often sedentary at least for a few years. (The
exhaustion of the farm land might then lead to a relocation to another spot for a few
more years.) Anthropologist, Edward Fischer of Vanderbilt University, elaborates: “While
there are status differences in tribes, these differences are generally fluid; social
organization is governed by kinship ties. Tribal-level societies are led by
headmen—individuals who have a formal position of power that they occupy through achieved
status instead of inherited status. These headmen continually have to gain the support of
the people they lead in order to keep their position.” The Yanomamö people in the
Orinoco basin are one example of this social organization level. They have a slash-and-burn
form of agriculture based on plantains, sweet potatoes and tobacco, and relocate their
villages every three years.
Level 3 — Chiefdom: Thousands of
people, with a hereditary chief. There is a higher and more important level of status
distinctions than in tribal societies. Edward Fischer remarks: “Politics and economics
are built on the idea of redistributive exchange, in which gifts entail obligations that
can often be converted into political power.” More intensive agriculture is required to
support this level of society. An example is the Trobriand Islanders in New Guinea.
A chief or nobleman inherits his position from his mother’s brother, rather than from his
own father. And yams are both the economic basis and the social symbol of Trobrian
society.
Level 4 — Nation-State: Typically
millions of people in a complex class society with a strong centralized authority supported
by armed power (police and army). The first states arose in Mesopotamia around 2500 BCE.
Social organizational “level 1”, the band,
is the form of primitive communal society, and organizational “level 4” is obviously the
form in not only modern capitalist countries, but also in all other class-based
socioeconomic formations (i.e., in slave and feudal society). Levels 2 and 3 are
transitional social organization forms that bridge the gap between classless primitive
commualism and the major forms of class society in the world today.
The many dozens or hundreds of principles of revolutionary Marxism are summary results
which have been abstracted out of the investigation and analysis of human history and
experience, out of class struggles and revolutionary struggle from all parts of the world
over all of human history, and from both their successes and failures. We accept these
principles not on “faith”, but because of a serious, rational study of human experience. And
we accept most of these principles not as absolute truths, valid everywhere and always, but
as results of the experience of struggle at particular times and places. Thus, if new
experience and a careful scientific analysis of that new experience dictates, we are prepared
to modify and adjust these principles of revolutionary Marxism as appropriate. On the one
hand, we are not flighty; we stick to our principles unless and until there are good
scientific reasons to change them. But on the other hand we continue to investigate society
and social struggles, and continue to think and analyze all the new developments and events
around us. This of necessity leads to a gradual expansion, and sometimes a more sophisticated
modification, of the many specific principles of revolutionary Marxism.
An internal logical flaw in the conception of God as put forward by many religions
including Christianity. The religious doctrine is that God is omnipotent (all powerful),
omniscient (all knowing) and omnibenevolent (all good). The trouble is, given the obvious
fact that there is much evil in the world, these three characteristics are logically
incompatible and inconsistent with each other. David Hume expressed the difficulty this
way:
If evil in the world is the intention of
the Deity, then He is not benevolent.
If evil in the world is contrary to His
intention, then He is not omnipotent.
But evil is either in accordance with His
intention or contrary to it.
Therefore, either the Deity is not
benevolent, or He is not omnipotent.
Of course from the materialist point of view there is one other, much more sensible,
alternative: No “Deity” exists at all!
See also:
Philosophical doggerel about the
problem of evil.
See below, and: INDUSTRIAL
PRODUCTION
While it is common to see statements by Marxists that production is central to the
capitalist system, while distribution is not, this was not really Marx’s own view with
regard to the fully elaborated complexity of capitalism as it actually functions (and as
opposed to more simplified explanations that serve to help get the student started in his or
her understanding of capitalism):
“At the same time, this reveals the
significance of the distinction between the phenomena of production and of distribution.
Profit, a phenomenon of distribution, is here simultaneously a phenomenon of production,
a condition of production, a necessary constituent part of the process of production.
How absurd it is, therefore, for John Stuart Mill and others to conceive bourgeois forms
of production as absolute, but the bourgeois forms of distribution as historically
relative, hence transitory. I shall return to this later. The form of production is
simply the form of distribution seen from a different point of view. The specific
features—and therefore also the specific limitation—which set bounds to bourgeois
distribution, enter into bourgeois production itself, as a determining factor, which
overlaps and dominates production.” —Marx, TSV, 3:83-84.
The means of production (the non-human productive
forces) together with human labor power.
[Under capitalism:] Productive labor is labor which produces value for the owner of that
labor (the capitalist) and which therefore produces capital. “Labor itself is productive
only if absorbed into capital, where capital forms the basis of production, and where the
capitalist is therefore in command of production.” (Marx, Grundrisse, p. 308). “Only
that labor is productive which creates a surplus-value.” (Marx, TSV 1:46) “Productive
labor is therefore—in the system of capitalist production—labor which produces
surplus-value for its employer, or which transforms the objective conditions of
labor into capital and their owner into a capitalist; that is to say, labor which produces
its own product as capital. So when we speak of productive labor, we speak of
socially determined labor, labor which implies a quite specific relation between the
buyer and the seller of the labor.” —Marx, TSV 1:396.
Labor productivity is the ratio of output (quantity of commodities produced) divided by the
the number of workers (or the number of hours worked by the workers) to produce it. Thus if
a given group of workers can now produce 25% more output in an 8-hour day as compared to a
year ago, their productivity has increased by 25% over that period. Productivity can be
increased through the use of better tools and machinery, through the better organization of
labor (i.e., improving labor technique and efficiency), by increasing the amount of work
demanded from each worker per hour (speed-ups), and by increasing the number of hours the
workers must work each day. (This last method does not improve productivity/hour, but it
does improve productivity/day.)
See also:
“LEISURE AGE”
Bourgeois economists have a confused alternative concept of productivity which they term
“total factor productivity”, which supposedly includes the “contributions” of increased
capital, “improved management”, and the like, as well as labor productivity. This is part
of their perpetual campaign to conceptually minimize the importance of labor in the
production process and to absurdly claim that value comes not only from labor but also from
capital. However, as these bourgeois economists admit, this concept of “total factor
productivity” is extremely difficult to measure and is essentially useless.
[To be added...]
[Intro material to be added... ]
Someone who favors “progress”, which implies at least some sort of “change”. But beyond that,
just what a progressive actually is is rather unclear in modern American politics,
and sometimes it seems as if it is purposefully vague. There are a number of people who are
fearful of being called revolutionaries, or communists, or even socialists, but who also
view themselves as something more than simply ordinary political “liberals” like one of
the Kennedy clan for example. These sorts of people like to call themselves “progressives”!
This sort of “progressive” rarely if ever would mention or criticize capitalism or imperialism
by name, though they might commonly deign to criticize the “establishment” or some particular
criminal action by the government. While we can unite in common struggle with progressives
in some mass campaigns, they tend to be very unreliable, flakey, and gutless allies.
[To be added... ]
A political and cultural movement of the radical intelligensia in Russia (and beyond) from
1917 to 1932, which claimed to be working toward a “totally new” and truly proletarian art and
culture which was supposed to be completely devoid of any bourgeois influences. The name comes
from the contraction of the Russian words for “Proletarian Culture”.
The founder and chief theoretician of the
Proletkult organization was Alexander Bogdanov, and it
was based on his 3-volume work Empirio-Monism (1904-6) which was an attempt to combine
Marxism with Machism and positivism.
Another very prominent person involved in this movement was Anatoly
Lunacharsky, who was the Commissar of Enlightenment (Minister of Culture) in the
revolutionary government, and who was Bogdanov’s brother-in-law.
Bogdanov viewed the Proletkult as the third
part of a troika (a Russian vehicle drawn by 3 horses) advancing the revolution. The
first two were the proletarian party and the unions. Thus implicitly (and in practice) he viewed
the Proletkult as an organization independent of control and supervision by the Bolshevik party.
Already by early 1918 Krupskaya (Lenin’s wife) and other
Bolsheviks were criticizing this unjustified autonomy and independent political line of the
Proletkult.
Originally the Proletkult organization was
supported politically and financially by the new revolutionary government in Russia. Under
pressure from the Bolshevik party it somewhat reluctantly agreed to educate its members on
pre-Revolutionary Russian and world culture. But the artistic styles and forms it mostly
promoted were still somewhat far removed from the interests and appreciation of the workers and
peasants. Thus it promoted Constructivism in painting and
sculpture and Futurism in literature and other arts. Only because
of Lenin’s disapproval (in “On Proletarian Culture” [1920; LCW 31:316-7]) did they pull back
from focusing on promoting advant guarde experimental art.
In 1920 the Proletkult was finally brought under
better political control. To counteract Bogdanov’s strongly idealist influence in philosophy,
Lenin re-issued his book Materialism
and Empirio-Criticism. And the Central Committee of the Communist Party issued some
new guidelines, “On the Proletkults”, which restricted the activities of that group to just
the arts and even there said that this should be monitored by the Party. Its funding was also
reduced, though it still existed in this much diminished form until 1932.
See: CLASS
CONSCIOUSNESS—Proletarian
[Intro material to be added... ]
The morality which expresses the class interests of the proletariat (whether or not
individual proletarians are conscious of this).
Compare with COMMUNIST MORALITY.
The working class; the class of people in capitalist society who, deprived of any ownership
of the means of production, must sell their labor power to the capitalists in order to
survive. Hence the exploited class in bourgeois society.
1. [In traditional Leninist usage:] Oral, printed and visual political views whose
purpose is to influence people’s consciousness and mood with respect to multiple issues,
or in general (as opposed to the narrow sense of agitation),
and to motivate them to take general political action.
2. [In bourgeois usage:] Lies and distortions designed to influence people politically.
(They recognize no such thing as bourgeois propaganda of course!)
[In political economy:] The relations of production
expressed in legal terms. Note that personal property (such as a person’s clothes, house
or automobile) is not at issue here; in political economy the important matter is who owns and
controls the means of production.
French sociologist and economist, an ideologist of the
petty bourgeoisie. He was a “socialist” of sorts, but
hostile to Marxism, and one of the founders of the social theory of
anarchism. Proudhon is famous for the remark that “property is
theft”, but he advocated “individual possession” of the means of production, which is an
impossibility in modern industrial society, and also clearly shows his petty bourgeois
perspective.
“Lenin called Proudhonism the
‘dull thinking of a petty-bourgeois and a philistine’ incapable of comprehending the
viewpoint of the working class. The ideas of Proudhonism are widely utilized by
bourgeois ‘theoreticians’ in their class-collaboration propaganda.” —Footnote 76,
LCW 5:547.
See: PEOPLE’S COMMITTEE AGAINST POLICE ATROCITIES
(PCAPA)
See: “PRIMING THE PUMP”
[To be added...]
See also:
GOULD, Stephen Jay
The traditional way to calculate the income, standard of living, or gross domestic
product (GDP) in a foreign country is to take the values in the local currency and translate
them into dollars via the current official exchange rate. However, this does not take into
consideration the fact that prices may also be lower in that country than in the U.S. (I.e.,
a dollar exchanged for the local currency may buy more actual goods there than a dollar
buys in the U.S.) Thus a different translation of quantities expressed in local currencies
must be made in order to determine the actual equivalent standard of living, GDP, or other
quantity, relative to the situation in the U.S. This is called the translation into a
purchasing power parity value.
The PPP conversion factor is the
number of units of a country’s currency necessary to buy the same amount of goods and
services in that country as a U.S. dollar would buy in the United States. As noted above,
this is in general not at all the same as the exchange value of that foreign
currency.
[To be added...]
See also:
TELEOLOGY
See: OPTION
See: POLITICS IN COMMAND
Founder of a mystical religious, philosophical idealist, and
political sect in the Greek city-state of Croton (in Southern Italy). He had many strange
ideas, including the notion that it was wicked to eat beans. Pythagoras was also very mystical
about numbers. His numerological system identified the number four with justice, and he thought
that the number ten was the “most perfect number” (in part because the numbers 1 through 4 add
up to 10). He is said to have proclaimed that “all is number”, after supposedly being the first
to discover that musical notes are related in a simple fashion to the relative lengths of the
vibrating strings that produce them. The Pythagorean Theorem in geometry is also named after
him, though it was known long before his time.
In ancient times Pythagoras was considered a
very wise man and eventually an important philosopher (by the followers of Plato, for example).
But modern scholarship has pretty much shown that this hugely exaggerates his real role in
intellectual history. His followers had the habit of attributing all wisdom, including their
own ideas and discoveries, to Pythagoras, in much the same way that Christians do with Jesus,
and that dogmatists within what should be the revolutionary science of Marxism do with
Marx, Lenin and Mao.
See also below, and:
Philosophical doggerel about
Pythagoras.
Members of the sect founded by Pythagoras (see above), and also his later followers. This
peculiar sect required self-discipline, silence, and the honoring of numerous taboos—especially
the strict avoidance of eating meat and beans. Pythagoras and his followers expanded the concept
of the soul (which had originally only meant the physical breath
that leaves the body when a person dies) into a partially mentalistic concept. However, they
still also identified this “immortal” soul with gases, and seem to have believed that the
eating of beans, which led to farting, allowed part of the soul to prematurely escape the
body! (Religion is a very weird thing!) After a person’s death, however, they believed
the soul could be reincarnated into a new body, or into other animals or plants, or to “rejoin”
the universal “soul”. Politically, the Pythagoreans were a secretive, cultish faction of the
slave-owning aristocracy.
The followers of Pythagoras also discovered
that the square root of 2 is an irrational number, which so upset them that they tried to hide
this discovery from the world.
See also:
Philosophical doggerel about
Pythagoras and his followers.